UDC: 


Received: Dec 28, 2025
Reviewed: Jan 30, 2026
Accepted: Feb 20, 2026

#7 Beyond Coordination: The Theatrical And Economic Gain Of Alága Iduro And Alága Ijoko In Contemporary Yoruba Wedding Engagements In Ile-Ife

Olubunmi Esther EnigbokanDepartment of Music, Obafemi Awolowo University, Nigeria[email protected]

Citation: Enigbokan, Olubunmi Esther. 2026. "Beyond Coordination: The Theatrical And Economic Gain Of Alága Iduro And Alága Ijoko In Contemporary Yoruba Wedding Engagements In Ile-Ife." Accelerando: Belgrade Journal of Music and Dance 11:7

Abstract

The Yoruba traditional wedding engagement ceremony remains one of the key socio-cultural ceremonies in southwestern Nigeria, reflecting kinship, aesthetics, and performative expression. Central to this event are the Alága Iduro and Alága Ijoko, whose functions extend beyond coordination to embody theatrical, economic, and cultural significance. This study, conducted in Ile-Ife, a major Yoruba cultural centre and cradle of Yoruba civilisation, examines how Alága practitioners negotiate performance, culture, and economy in contemporary wedding engagements. While existing scholarship has explored Yoruba marriage rites, limited attention has been given to the Alága’s theatrical and entrepreneurial dimensions. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, the study draws on observations from four engagement ceremonies in Ile-Ife and unstructured interviews with 28 participants, including eight Alága professionals, four couples, and twelve community members. Anchored in Performance Theory, Cultural Capital and Symbolic Power, and the Cultural Economy Framework, the research interrogates ceremonial performance, social prestige, and monetisation. Findings reveal that Alága practitioners function as custodians of culture and creative entrepreneurs integrating theatre, poetry, music, negotiations and marital ceremony rites. Their performative presence blends traditional aesthetics and contemporary entertainment, enabling these women to access new forms of economic capital. The Alága Iduro/Ijoko role has evolved into a micro-industry with tiered service structures, transforming artistry into a means of economic empowerment. The study concludes that in Ile-Ife, the Alága exemplifies the intersection of theatre and economy, where performance becomes a vehicle for women’s socio-economic advancement. .

Keywords:

alága iduro/ijoko; yoruba wedding engagement; performance economy; women’s empowerment, music, dance, indigenous, gendered cultural economy, cultural entrepreneur, selfhood/individual identity

Introduction

Marriage, in Yoruba society, is not an ordinary social contract between individuals but an extremely symbolic institution that strengthens kinship, continuity, and communal identity (Bascom 1969; Olajubu 2012). Among the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria, the traditional marriage engagement, known as idana, is the most theatrically charged stage of marriage rites, blending oratory, music, dance, and ceremonial symbolism. Central to this ceremony are Alága Iduro and Alága Ijoko, two women hired by the family of the bride and the groom to coordinate the ceremony. These women embody the cultural artistry and social diplomacy that define Yoruba communal aesthetics (Awe 1999; Barber 2020). Traditionally, these women functioned as custodians of culture and interpreters of ceremonial rite and protocol, but in modern contexts their roles have extended into performative and economic domains.

In Ile-Ife, marriage engagement ceremonies are not only familial gatherings but also an evolving platform for women's creative expression and entrepreneurship. The Alága professionals continuously employ theatrical devices, such as song, poetry, humour, and dramatic negotiation, to stimulate ceremonies, negotiate dowries, and sustain the attention of the engagement audience. Their visibility and artistry position them at the intersection of ceremonial performance and the cultural economy (Schechner 2003; Bourdieu 2011).

Despite the dynamism of their performances, scholarly attention has rarely been given to the examination of the Alága craft beyond their coordinating function. Most studies on Yoruba marriage ceremonies emphasise ceremonial symbolism and gender relations (Olatunji 1979; Omotayo 2023), with limited focus on how performance and monetisation integrate within the engagement context. This study, therefore, explores the theatrical strategies and economic gains of Alága Iduro and Alága Ijoko in contemporary Ile-Ife, revealing how their roles reflect broader transformations in gendered labour, cultural entrepreneurship, and Yoruba performative heritage.

Literature Review

The Yoruba traditional marriage engagement (idana) remains a dynamic point for exploring ceremonial performance, gendered labour, and cultural economy in southwestern Nigeria. It functions as both a performative and symbolic act that legitimises marital union, strengthens kinship, and celebrates communal aesthetics (Olatunji op. cit.; Barber, 2020; Omotayo op. cit.). The ceremony blends music, oratory, dance, and humour, embodying what Drewal and Drewal (1983) call the “aesthetics of spontaneity” in Yoruba performative traditions. Within this context, the Alága Iduro and Alága Ijoko serve as ceremonial mediators and creative artists whose performances bridge sacred tradition and contemporary entertainment (Familusi 2012; Oyebade 2012).

Recent scholarship, however, reveals that the Alága’s role extends beyond coordination to encompass entrepreneurship, theatrical innovation, and socio-economic agency. Taiwo (2023) documents how Alága practitioners strategically employ music, dance, and humour to engage audiences and sustain interest throughout engagement ceremonies. Similarly, Enigbokan (2024) shows that in Ile-Ife, Alága professionals selectively blend indigenous and popular musical genres, using familiarity to connect with diverse audiences and generate economic value from their artistry. Together, these studies highlight the Alága’s creative adaptation to shifting cultural and market demands, transforming ceremonial performance into a professionalised craft. Schechner’s (op. cit.)

Performance Theory provides an interpretive framework for understanding how ceremonial performances like those of the Alága operate within liminal spaces, where art and commerce converge. Bourdieu’s (op. cit.) concepts of cultural capital and symbolic power further clarify how performative skill and social prestige can be converted into material gain, particularly in contexts where women’s cultural labour gains visibility and remuneration. The Alága’s performative competence thus functions as both a form of symbolic capital and an entrepreneurial tool within a gendered cultural economy.

Recent studies on ceremonial economics across Africa emphasise similar transformations in marriage-related performances. Hornby (Hornby & Hull 2023) notes that rising mobility, urbanisation, and economic uncertainty have intensified the commercialisation of ceremonies, producing what he terms the “ceremonial economy.” This new way of economic relief expands opportunities for creative professionals, particularly women, who now monetise previously informal cultural roles. Fagbola et al. (2023) further corroborates this argument by framing Nigerian marriage ceremonies as sites of “liminal consumption,” where aspirational performances and identity display a subtle way to drive new forms of market participation. These dynamics reflect Alága's negotiation of aesthetics and economics in Yoruba engagements.

Some research on entrepreneurial labour in Nigeria’s traditional wedding ceremony also reinforces this trajectory. Adedara et al. (2024) reveal that female event planners combine indigenous aesthetics and performance to create lucrative service packages, reiterating the Alága’s evolution into a paid cultural specialist. Similarly, Moore & Schneidermann (2025) emphasises that women’s redefinition of economic activities within African marriage economies demonstrates how female professionals are transforming traditionally patriarchal spaces through entrepreneurial participation. Such findings align with the Yoruba Alága’s transformation, who was once a voluntary custodian of ceremonial order into a skilled performer and cultural entrepreneur.

The body of literature shows an ongoing modification of ceremonial performance as both art and livelihood. Within the Ile-Ife context, the Alága Iduro and Alága Ijoko exemplify the intersection of theatre and economy, where gendered creativity, cultural capital, and performative labour converge to produce new forms of social prestige and financial empowerment. Despite this growing body of research in Alága practices, few studies provide little or no specific contextual ethnographic analysis of how Alága practitioners in Ile-Ife mobilise theatrical strategies and economic resources within their performative practice. This study, therefore, fills that gap by examining the dual nature of Alága performance as both cultural expression and economic enterprise in contemporary Yoruba society.

Theoretical Framework

Performance Theory (Schechner op. cit.) positions Alága practice within the scope of theatrical performance, emphasising the relationship between scripted structure and improvisational creativity that characterises Yoruba ceremonial aesthetics. From this perspective, Alága performances emerge as subtle, dramaturgical spaces where tradition merges with contemporary forms of entertainment. The use of music, humour, dance, verbal artistry, and symbolic acts goes beyond mere aesthetic enhancement; it serves as a means to navigate social expectations, reinforce communal values, and maintain the flow of ceremonial. Performance Theory, therefore, underscores the interactive, dynamic, and transformative nature of Alága's work.

Bourdieu’s (op. cit.) concepts of Cultural Capital and Symbolic Power provide valuable insight into how the Alága’s ceremonial expertise, oral artistry, and social negotiation skills serve as significant forms of capital. These forms can be transformed into prestige, professional legitimacy, and economic rewards. The enhanced visibility of practitioners, predominantly women, within ceremonial settings exemplifies the exercise of symbolic power, allowing them to translate their embodied knowledge and social networks into both recognition and upward mobility. This perspective highlights the gendered labour inherent in Alága practice and how artistry intersects with professionalisation.

The Cultural Economic Framework (Throsby 2010) enhances this analysis by situating Alága's performances within the wider processes of monetisation and commodification of cultural knowledge. It illustrates how ceremonial expertise is transformed into entrepreneurial opportunities through performance fees, ancillary services, and creative add-ons that contribute to the evolving wedding industry. Importantly, this framework reveals how Alága practice offers women avenues for economic agency within a patriarchal context, thereby connecting heritage performance to livelihood strategies. These frameworks provide a comprehensive analytical lens, highlighting how Alága Iduro and Alága Ijokò function simultaneously as performers, cultural custodians, and economic agents. Through their practices, Yoruba wedding engagements in Ile-Ife emerge as spaces where tradition is preserved, reinterpreted, and harnessed for contemporary forms of empowerment.

Methodology

This study employed an ethnographic research approach, utilising a qualitative design to gather rich, contextual insights. The primary data source comprised oral, in-depth interviews conducted with twenty-eight purposely selected key informants. These participants were strategically chosen from four local government areas in Ile-Ife, specifically Ife Central, Ife East, Ife South and Ife North, with seven participants from each area. Each group of seven included two professional wedding coordinators, one couple who had recently gone through the wedding process, and three community members, providing a diverse range of perspectives and experiences related to traditional marriage practices. In addition to the interviews, participant observation was utilised to enhance the data collection process. This involved attending various wedding ceremonies and related events, during which audio-visual recordings were made to document interactions, ceremonials, and musical performances. Such recordings provided valuable context and a deeper understanding of the cultural practices surrounding weddings in the region.

The secondary sources of information included a comprehensive review of literature, which encompassed academic books, peer-reviewed journal articles, local newspapers, relevant magazines, and various online resources. This broad range of sources ensured a well-rounded analysis of the wedding traditions and cultural expressions specific to the Ile-Ife community. The data collected from both primary and secondary sources were meticulously analysed within the framework of ethnomusicological theories, allowing for a nuanced interpretation of the musical and cultural elements present in the wedding ceremonials. This analytical approach aimed to reveal the intricate relationships between music, culture, and social practices within the community.

Discussion of Findings

Marriage engagement music has now become a tool in the hands of the wedding coordinator as it creates a solution to economic hardship. Untold economic hardship has become commonplace in Nigeria, ranging from perennial poverty to an intractable unemployment situation. The most perplexing aspect of the Nigerian economic situation over the years is that every fabric of the nation-state is enmeshed in corruption and unpatriotic practices. Due to the unfavourable economic climes, youths, vices and violence have seemed inseparable in Nigeria in recent years as observed in Imoisi et al. (2017): The present trend of unemployment rate in Nigeria is frightening and foretells a nation that would be plagued with negative outcomes such as crimes, high level of poverty, migration, low domestic industrial output, youth restiveness, kidnapping, conflict and lawlessness if immediate action is not taken.

People need to seek other workable alternatives when they are victims of elite failure in all ramifications, and when the future of the youth is threatened by unemployment. Thus, the Alága practice constitutes an alternative economic option for some women as long as the marriage institution continues to exist despite all Nigerian problems. Women involved in this craft always look for or create avenues to make more money. For instance, they divert the attention of everyone present at the engagement to themselves so as to gain their financial favour. When they notice that the groom or any member of his family is lavishing money on the bride, her mother or mother-in-law, the Alága creatively calls for the attention of everyone through a song like Ara Yin Le N Na Lowo:

Ara yin le n nalowo				
Ara yin le n nalowo					
Awa nko						
Tayelolu koju sibi					
Alága lo n ba yin sọrọ					
Kọwọ b’apo ko nawo fun mi	

Translation
You’re all spending money on yourselves,
What about us?
Tayelolu, look this way 
It's Alága speaking to you.
Dip your hand into your pocket,
And bless me with some money!

Example 1. Song Ara Yin Le N Na Lowo.

The excerpt above exemplifies the intersection of performance and economy in contemporary Yoruba wedding engagements. Within this moment, the Alága transforms a simple appeal for money into a theatrically charged act that fuses humour, command, and artistry. The utterance operates as performative rhetoric, a lively dialogue that invites audience participation, sustains social energy, and transforms financial solicitation into entertainment. Through her strategic use of Yoruba verbal aesthetics, such as repetition, direct address, and comic exaggeration, the Alága reaffirms her authority and demonstrates her social capital. Beyond the playful tone lies an economic strategy: the monetisation of performance through linguistic dexterity and charm. This scene thus reveals how the Alága Iduro/Ijoko transcends the administrative task of coordinating ceremonies to become a cultural entrepreneur whose performative competence yields tangible financial rewards.

The Alága believes that the wedding ceremony is a celebration of a woman's successful journey at home, particularly in nurturing children who are deemed suitable to become wives. This achievement brings great pride to the entire bride’s family. To honour this, special opportunities are created for other women to earn money. For instance, at the entrance to the engagement venue, the Alága Ijooko will invite two or three representatives from the bride's family to collect their contributions (owo obinrinile). These representatives will then spread a cloth on the ground, allowing guests from the groom's family to drop their donations. As this is happening, the Alága Ijooko leads the crowd with a celebratory song, such as Ẹ ma fiya se tiwọn [Do not cheat them] :

Ẹ ma fiya se tiwọn					
Ẹ fun wọn lowo wọn					
Ẹ ma fiya se tiwọn					 
Ẹ fun wọn lowo wọn					
Iyawo ni wọn o					
Wọn kii sale 						
Ẹ ma fiya se tiwọn					 
Ẹ fun wọn lowo wọn					


Translation
Do not cheat them,
Give them their money
Do not cheat them,
Give them their money
They are wives,
And not concubines
Do not cheat them,
Give them their money

Example 2. Song Ẹ ma fiya se tiwọn.

The introduction of this song by Alága revealed a heartfelt tribute to the vital roles wives play and their significant contributions within the home. This music serves as a means to celebrate the diverse talents and unwavering dedication and support that women bring to family life, recognising their efforts in nurturing relationships, managing household responsibilities, and providing emotional support. By highlighting these aspects, the coordinator aimed to foster a deeper appreciation for women's invaluable impact on our everyday lives.

Patterson (2015) stresses that oral music is a crucial aspect of cultural transmission, emphasising that it is not an outdated or primitive practice but a sophisticated method of preserving and sharing music which can be passed down through oral and aural traditions, meaning that it can be both spoken or sung and heard. The Alágas use this method for economic gain during the performance. For instance, these women go out of their way to learn the oriki (oriki orilẹ, and oriki idile respectively) of the families they are to represent ahead of time. This gives them an upper hand to make more money as they praise people, their families and their hometown.

The Alága have taken on the role of custodians of oral praise poetry, with some honing the skill of chanting in the traditional ewi tone. They enhance the praise poetry by incorporating songs that celebrate the hometowns or families of their clients, allowing them to navigate between traditional and popular music genres. During the course of research, it was revealed that a spokesperson who excels in chanting oriki tends to earn more than their peers. For instance, an Alága representing the groom’s family from Osogbo, who came to Ile-Ife to take a wife, chanted the Indigenous oriki of the groom's family. Guests invited by the bride’s parents, who shared the same regional roots as the groom’s family, were so delighted to hear their full oriki recited by this stranger that they rewarded her generously. This joy inspired another coordinator to begin reciting oriki of the Ife people, and she was met with a similarly enthusiastic response, provided she demonstrated the same level of versatility as the first. In a nutshell, oriki serves not only as a form of cultural expression but also as an economic and social instrument that sustains local traditions, performances, and community bonds. This griotic tradition persists, fostering cultural identity and reinforcing shared values and group cohesion. (Griot—a borrowing from French—refers to an oral historian, musician, storyteller, and sometimes praise singer.)

Engagement Music Creates Job Opportunities for Others

The findings further reveal that the Alága’s function in contemporary Yoruba engagement ceremonies extends well beyond the realm of performance and coordination. Their activities generate a ripple effect that activates a broader network of creative and service-based enterprises. This economic interdependence is evident in the Alága’s collaboration with other entrepreneurs whose contributions are indispensable to the event’s success. For instance, singing practices of the Alága need to be accompanied by drumming. The common drums include gangan/iyaalu, and akuba/agbamọle. It is also possible to include a dundun ensemble, not just the master drummer, but this is not the common practice at the moment, probably to reduce cost. This provides job opportunities for drummers who accompany the Alága in their craft.

In a similar vein, the Alága operate within a dynamic web of entrepreneurial relationships that sustain the Yoruba engagement ceremony as both a cultural and economic event. Their work extends beyond ceremonial performance to involve close collaboration with complementary professionals whose services shape the ceremony’s success. These include sound engineers responsible for audio setup, caterers who prepare and serve meals, and event planners who coordinate venue décor, tents, and seating arrangements to ensure guest comfort. The Alága’s reliance on, and coordination with, these service providers underscores the interdependence that characterises the Yoruba wedding economy, where employment for one often translates into opportunity for another. This collaborative ecosystem strengthens local livelihoods, fosters social harmony, and contributes to the sustainability of creative industries within the community (Oladipo 2018; 2019; 2020).

Furthermore, this economic network extends to photographers and videographers who document and preserve the ceremonies. Notably, many contemporary Alága practitioners diversify their expertise by combining roles as event planners, caterers, or cake makers, demonstrating the profession’s adaptability and the entrepreneurial versatility that drives its continued relevance in modern Yoruba society. Such flexibility not only reflects the evolving structure of the Yoruba wedding economy but also underscores how traditional roles are being redefined within a neoliberal context of performance, entrepreneurship, and cultural sustainability.

Engagement Music Creates Extra Economic Opportunities

Individuals interested in Alága craft often seek training from engagement coordinators, some of whom have offices where clients can make bookings. This practice positions Alága as a multi-faceted economic opportunity, empowering the women involved to achieve better socio-economic standing within their communities. For example, Mrs Folasade Ottarus, known as Alasake (Alága), shared that her involvement in Alága has led to additional job opportunities, including freelance radio presenting and serving as a master of ceremonies for birthday celebrations. Through her work as an Alága in Yoruba marriage engagements, she discovered her talents for various economic pursuits. Additionally, she creates and sells bridal accessories such as beads and fascinators for bridal parties. Moreover, she offers a range of other bridal essentials, including tiaras, flower bouquets, bridal baskets, engagement letters, and hand fans, and also rents out bridal chairs. These items are crucial for any marriage engagement event.

Engagement Music as a Tool for Economic Reflection

In the face of widespread unemployment and economic instability in Nigeria, the Alága practice has emerged as an innovative pathway for women’s empowerment and livelihood. In a context where even educated and skilled individuals often face limited employment opportunities, the Alága ìdúró and Alága ìjókòó have turned their craft into a sustainable economic enterprise. Through their performances, coordination skills, and collaborations with other professionals, such as caterers, photographers, event planners, and sound engineers, many Alága practitioners have transformed cultural heritage into a source of financial independence and social recognition.

The economic success recorded by some of these women invites deeper reflection on the creative potential embedded within indigenous cultural practices. In an economy marked by uncertainty and diminishing opportunities, the Alága phenomenon demonstrates how traditional artistry can evolve into a viable socio-economic venture. What began as an informal, culture-based role has now matured into a structured enterprise that sustains households and contributes to community development. This success underscores the need to explore other latent cultural resources that, when reimagined through modern entrepreneurial lenses, can generate new streams of economic empowerment. Nigeria’s vast cultural landscape thus remains a fertile ground for innovative practices capable of bridging the gap between heritage and contemporary economic survival.

From the perspective of Cultural Economy and Creative Economy theories, the Alága practice exemplifies how traditional performance forms can be transformed into viable economic ventures through creativity and innovation. These frameworks highlight the intersection between culture, commerce, and identity, suggesting that cultural expression itself can serve as productive labour within modern market systems. The Alága’s artistry, rooted in Yoruba oral performance, music, and ceremonial, now operates within a creative economic circuit where performance generates both cultural value and financial capital. This convergence of tradition and enterprise underscores the adaptive potential of indigenous practices in responding to contemporary economic realities, demonstrating that cultural performance can simultaneously preserve heritage and stimulate entrepreneurship in the evolving Nigerian socio-economic landscape.

Engagement Music: A Combination of Talents and Arts

The performance of the Alága often serves as a catalyst for the discovery and development of hidden talents, both for the performer and for audience members. What begins as an act of cultural participation has now evolved into a platform for artistic self-realisation and social validation. For many women, the Alága role becomes an avenue through which oratorical skill, musicality, humour, and dramatic expression are revealed and refined. Often, an Alága may not initially perceive herself as a skilled performer or master of ceremonies until affirmed by audience feedback and communal recognition. Similarly, women in the audience are frequently inspired by Alága’s creative display, projecting their own potential into the performance and envisioning themselves in that role.

A notable example is the experience of Mrs Egbetunde (2023), a well-known Alága in Ile-Ife, whose journey began from a moment of inspiration. According to her account, it was her childhood friend, Mrs Kemi Ayodele, who first identified her latent charisma and suggested she might excel as an Alága. This insight crystallised during a traditional engagement ceremony in Ogbondo, Ile-Ife, where Mrs Kemi Ayodele observed an Alága whose eloquence and versatility reminded her of her friend. Motivated by this encounter, she encouraged Mrs Egbetunde to consider the practice. Shortly thereafter, an opportunity emerged when a church member sought an Alága, and with newfound confidence, Mrs Egbetunde volunteered herself. That bold decision marked the beginning of a fulfilling career, transforming her into one of the most respected Alága practitioners in Ile-Ife.

This finding highlights how engagement performance, beyond its aesthetic and cultural functions, also operates as a medium of personal empowerment and artistic awakening. Through it, women discover new capacities for public speaking, creativity, and leadership—affirming the Alága’s role as both an artistic and self-transformative enterprise within Yoruba traditional culture. From the standpoint of Performance Theory, Alága’s art embodies the fusion of ceremonial, creativity, and improvisation as a means of identity formation and social commentary. Each performance becomes a site where women negotiate selfhood through enacted artistry, transforming everyday social norms into expressions of skill and authority.

Alaga Craft as a Tool for National Integration

The mobility embedded in Alága practice further extends the cultural significance of engagement performance into the realm of national integration. As accomplished Alága are invited to officiate weddings across various states, where Yoruba communities thrive, their work becomes a platform for cross-regional interaction. These travels, often accompanied by travel allowances, expose practitioners to new cultural landscapes, enhancing their social worldview while stimulating informal economic activities such as hospitality services, transportation, and local trade.

More importantly, the performance journeys produce subtle forms of cultural exchange that foster unity in diversity. By engaging with clients and audiences from different ethnic and regional backgrounds, the Alága absorb, reinterpret, and transmit cultural ideas, thereby bridging social boundaries. This mobility positions the Alága not merely as performers but as cultural ambassadors whose work strengthens intergroup understanding within Nigeria’s multicultural environment. In this sense, engagement music operates as a soft mechanism of national integration, reaffirming the capacity of indigenous performance to cultivate shared cultural citizenship.

Conclusion

This study has demonstrated that the Alága practice within Yoruba engagement ceremonies functions as a multidimensional cultural institution that extends far beyond ceremonial coordination. By examining the relationship of performance, economic agency, and national integration, the research reveals how the Alága embodies the creative fusion of tradition and innovation in contemporary Yoruba society. The findings show that the profession provides significant economic opportunities for women, enabling them to navigate structural unemployment while cultivating artistic self-discovery and entrepreneurial identity. Moreover, the mobility and cultural exchange facilitated by Alága performances highlight the practice’s subtle role in fostering national cohesion across Nigeria’s diverse socio-cultural landscape.

Through the combined lenses of Cultural Economic Theory, Performance Theory, and Feminist Agency Theory (McNay 2015), the study illustrates how indigenous performance practices can evolve into dynamic socio-economic systems that generate livelihood, nurture talent, and reinforce cultural continuity. The Alága role thus emerges as a compelling example of how traditional expressive forms can be reimagined within the creative economy to support both individual empowerment and communal development.

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